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ON THE ROAD FOR OIL RESUMPTION IN OGONI LAND

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BY BLESSING WIKINA

 

Just as the last car in the Governor convey turned right onto the East/West road, and the siren roared to clear traffic from Road ahead, so also the air of expectation, doubts, and wishes came to an end. Days ago, news had covered every household in Ogoni land, that Mr. President had accented to the take off of what will be known as Federal University of Environment Technology, Ogoni land. What was not certain is when and how that will materialise, as the information came with an early morning sickness of double location, Sakpenwa and Koroma. How come a new University came with two campuses, when older University with only one campus can barely breath in Nigeria. Predictably, Ogoni’s went to town with permutations, and suspicion that maybe Government had come again, with what late Music Maestro Fela called “instruments of Magic”Some openly accused the Senator who sponsored the Bill of bias, as Ogoni leaders in the past, like late Chief Albert Badey, who brought the Ken Saro-Wiwa Polytechnic, selflessly located in Bori, not in Bado his home town. The Bill earlier sent by a former Senator, Magnus Abe, did not also propose his home town Bera as location for the university.

But with one visit, one inspection, one decision, Governor Sim Fubara showed wisdom, by handing over the facility, built by the Amaechi administration, at Kira-Tai, known as the “New Model Secondary School. For administration convenience, Government documents had labeled it as Sakpenwa, like the Refinery, and the Airport, whose place of location was swallowed by the Port Harcourt convenient town name. Kira is a confluence town in Ogoni, and serves as an important historical junction leading to Bori on one flank, to Gokana via another artery, to Okirika, to Akwa Ibom, to Port Harcourt, and to Tai communities. Even the entrance into the new University is designed to veer conveniently form the old Kira road side. In the colonial era, the first Court house in Ogoni was at a location called Maawoo, before it was rebuilt at the place mapped out an a land given by Kira and Boten communities and called Sakpenwa, by the colonial masters. On April 20th 1968, late Ken Saro-Wiwa wrote in the book. The Ogoni Nationality, Today and Tomorrow, that on the ruins of the old. A greater story be told “adding” we can no longer be excluded from the Blessings which modern education showers on most of our contry man……….. to this end the secondary schools at present in the Divisions must be converted to comprehensive schools”.

As if by divine promptings and in agreement with the Ogoni Dialogue Committee, led by Prof Dan Baridum, the Rivers State Governor accompanied by members of the Committee drove to Kira-Tai, and handed-over all that facilitor, as the Take off Campus for the new University of Environment Technology, Ogoni land. This gesture would mean that the Matriculation Day for the new University would be Faster, quicker and sooner than Ogonis imagine. In the words of a former Governor of Rivers State, Dr, Peter Odili, “those who make history, never realize that they are making history. An Educational facility, via the University of Environment, may had added to softening the ground for the successes recorded in the oil resumption consultations by the Dialogue Committee. As usual, the stake holders meeting in the communities and Local Government Areas, though largely successful, had some minor hiccups, as some Ogoni leader still displayed entitlement mentality. Some felt left out in the composition of the committee, and decided to sponsor contrary narratives about the dialogue. For instance, at the main congress in Bori, after event picture, and video clips were cropped, copied and posted an their walls, purporting that the event was marred by violence.

Also, some notable politicians from Ogoni loyal to a particular bloc tried to subvert the process by shunning the stake holder meetings in their Local Government Areas, Noticeably, in Gokona, these politicians stayed away from the Local Government Council headquarter venue of the meeting, an the idea that “it would amount to supporting the Chairman”. Some of this persons, had also shunned the first meeting between Governor Sim Fubara and the committee barely 24 hours after their inauguration I Abuja by President Tinubu. But Arch-Bishop Ignatius Kattey, the alternate Chairman of the Ogoni Dialogue Committee, repeats at every venue, that the committee work is strictly for an all inclusive dialogue and consultation with every Ogoni citizen. “This is not a political exercise” Bishop Kattey said. Barrister Tom Orage, the secretary of the Ogoni Dialogue Committee would re-echo that persons who are not present physically to publicly submit via the email: ogonidialoguecommittee@gmail.com. THE LEDUM MITEE EXAMPLEIn a demonstration of the committee’s openness and Trust, former, Mosop President, Ledum Mittee pointed the way forward at the Bori Congress Meeting. While he was addressing the crowd, some sponsored persons emerged with placards bearing “Mitee and Ribadu leave Ogoni Oil alone” etc. But rather than stop his speech, or get angry, Ledum continued his speech without stopping, a pointer that the committee will not allow any distraction to affect the process.

This approach may had guided the Committee to adopt their all inclusive stance at all meeting venues, as everyone was given access to the Microphone, every document received, and every group contented. As the Committee rounds up their consultations, one prayer in the heart of Ogonis will be that Mr. President shows further sincerity by honoring the demands and concerns of Ogoni people as collated and presented by the Ogoni Dialogue Committee for a smooth resumption of oil activities.*Blessing Wikina a journalist and public communicator, retired as Director from the Rivers State Civil Service*

AKPoti-AKPabio saga: Standing justice on its head

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By Ayo Baje

Quote:

“There are several court rulings, including that of the Court of Appeal, each of which deems it illegal to suspend an elected member of the legislature. The recent suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti – Uduaghan is therefore, the height of legislative recklessness”

  • Femi Falana ( SAN) (reacting to the recent incident)

When and where might – is – right, as amply demonstrated by the recent outrageous and illegal suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, representing Kogi Central Senatorial District at the Red Chamber – without salary or allowances – it does not only question the authority on which the lawmakers stand to carry out their statutory functions but ridicules the manner of democracy we practise here in Nigeria. And if the wrong done is not righted within the shortest possible time, it goes further to de-brand our so called democratic structure that places overt power of the jungle mantra of might – is – right on the elected representatives of the people above the wishes of the led majority. That indeed, is both an aberration and a legislative anomaly, triggered by the senator’s suspension, hence the outrage it has so far evolved. But let us first take an objective analysis of the drama that led to the development.

Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan ‘s suspension took place after she submitted a petition alleging being sexually harassed by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio. After dismissing her petition on procedural ground the Ethics Committee, as led by Neda Imasuen ( Labour Party, Edo South) recommended her suspension for six months claiming that she brought ” public opprobrium”to the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly. Though some members wanted the suspension reduced to three months, 14 members of the Committee stood by their decision, insisting that Natasha did not attend the investigative hearing to defend herself. In fact, they went further to ask her to tender an apology to the same Senate President Akpabio she has accused of sexual harassment, for her outburst during the plenary session!

Expectedly, the steamy situation has sparked off some flaming questions with regards to the rule of law under such circumstances. For instance, is it not her inalienable right to reject the sitting arrangement, which was surreptitiously meant to relegate her to the legislative shadows? Good enough, the answer is not far -fetched. According to Natasha’s legal counsel, Victor Giwa the Nigerian constitution of 1999, (as amended) supersedes the Senate’s Standing Orders. Specifically, Section 6, Sub-Section (6) of that constitution grants every citizen the right to seek redress in court when their civil rights are violated. Incidentally, she has done so, with her knowledge of the law.

The next question has to do with the best of ways to handle a delicate matter such as this. Should the matter not have been made open by placing it before an independent panel, to investigate and make recommendations in the interest of justice? That is, instead of slamming Natasha for having the gut, the temerity and audacity to express her complaints at the Senate chamber? According to Giwa the suspension of his client is definitely a brazen attempt to silence her. But unfortunately, for those behind it all it has only emboldened her to seek for justice going through the right process. In Giwa’s words: “The Committee disobeyed a valid court order that was served on them, making a mockery of the chamber that is supposed to uphold the law”. That should serve as food-for-thought for the masterminds behind the illegal suspension of the senator.

That perhaps, aptly explains why the Nigeria Bar Association ( NBA) has slammed the Senate by not giving her, the complainant to present her sexual harassment claim against Akpabio. That reminds us of the odious ” off the mic ” scenario that has played out each time an issue of public interest is being denied an objective investigation. The lawmakers, especially those who are bent on attempting to paper over cracks, or give a person a bad name to hang him or her must be reminded that there is a court order restraining the Senate from taking an action on the matter, pending the determination of of s motion on notice. The mishandling of the matter at hand by the senators is what has emboldened Natasha’s lawyer, Giwa to declare her suspension as ” null and void”. Yet, he is not the only person to outrightly condemn the illegality that has evolved so far.

The world acclaimed Women Rights activist, Hadiza Ado described Natasha’s suspension as amounting to a “,sad day for Nigerian women”. On its part the Socio–Economic Rights and Accountability Project ( SERAP ) has described it as “patently unlawful”and a clear violation of her right to freedom of speech. The organization has therefore, called on the Senate President Akpabio to reinstate her without further delay or face their legal action against such oddity. Similarly, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP to which Natasha belongs has described as her suspension as am attempt by the Senate ” to cover up an issue”. That is according to the National Publicity Secretary, Debbo Ologunagba.So, what really could it be?

It would be recalled that on February 28, 2025 right on ARISE television, Natasha made a bold allegation of sexual harassment against the Senate President Akpabio.While some concerned Nigerians wondered why she went as far as that point of publicity, others knowing fully well about her background as an Ihima- born lady brought up with high moral standards would not kowtow to, be cowed by anyone, or acquiesce to the weird and wild emotional inclinations of a man for whatever reasons.

So, as the AKPoti -AKPabio saga rolls out, the lesson to learn is for people to always strike the delicate balance between the Motive and the Method of our utterances and actions. And of course, the brand we want to be recognized and stand for in our chequered journeys on Planet Earth. Of great significance also is the piece of admonition by Natasha’s legal counsel, Giwa, that: ” The Senate must abide by international best practices” all because the world is watching us.

‘Forceful retirement’: Court adjourns suits against PSC, IGP, other till March 17

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The National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN), sitting in Abuja on Tuesday, adjourned ruling on the suit filed by Courses 18, 19, and 20 (Force Entrants) of the Police Academy challenging their forceful retirement from the Nigeria Police Force by the Police Service Commission (PSC), Inspector General of Police (IGP), and the Force Secretary.

The court had earlier slated Tuesday to deliver the ruling, but when the matter was called, the trial judge, Justice R. B. Haastrup

announced that the ruling was not ready.

The judge consequently adjourned the ruling till March 17 and ordered that hearing notices be served on the 2nd and 3rd defendants in the matter.

However, Chief Goddy Uche, SAN, who represented the claimants in the matter, informed the court that the 2nd and 3rd defendants, who were not in court, allegedly reduced the rank of some of the claimants and retired them from service while the case was still pending in court.

Although the 2nd and 3rd defendants were not in court, nor were they represented in court, the judge noted that, at the last proceedings in the matter, the defendants told the court that they would not be in court on Tuesday for the ruling as they have other matters outside jurisdiction, which the court permitted.

The officers, ACP Chinedu Emengaha, ACP Victor Chilaka, ACP Egwu Otu, CSP Sylvester Ebosele, CSP Sunday Okuguni, CSP Asuquo Inyang, CSP Kalu Chikozie, and CSP Adetu Omoteso, had sued the PSC, IGP, and the Force Secretary, Nigeria Police, as 1st to 3rd defendants, challenging their unlawful retirement from the Nigeria Police Force without attaining the mandatory years required before retirement and non-implementation of court judgment.

The plaintiffs, who sued for themselves and as representing all members of Course 18, 19, and 20 (Force Entrants) of the Police Academy, in their motion on notice marked, NICN/ABJ/28/2025, seek an order of interlocutory injunction restraining the defendants from retiring or suspending any of the officers of the Course who are yet to serve 35 years of pensionable service or reach the mandatory retirement age of 60 years from service of the Nigeria Police Force pending the hearing and determination of their substantive suit.

They also want an order restraining the defendants from suspending the salary or posting of any of the officers of Courses 18, 19, and 20 (Force Entrants) of the Police Academy.

The aggrieved officers had, in their suit, filed on their behalf by their counsel, Edwin Okoro Esq, prayed the court to quash the injustice done against them and to determine, “Whether taking into consideration, the judgments of the National Industrial Court, Abuja, delivered by Justice O. Oyewunmi in suit Nos. NICN/ABJ./345/2019-ACP Chinedu Emengaha & Ors Vs PSC & 2 Ors, and NICN/ABJ./353/2019 – CSP Sunday Okuguni & Ors Vs PSC & 2 Ors, resolving the issue of date of appointment of Cadet Officers (Force entrants) as the dates of their first appointment, and the said judgments having been implemented by the defendants since July 29, 2021, the defendants are not estopped from reopening the issue of date of first appointment?

Upon the determination of the above-stated question, the claimants are praying to the court for “a declaration that the date of first appointment into service of the claimants as contained in their respective appointment letters are not subject to a review by the defendants.

ECHONO’S THREE-YEAR BLITZKRIEG IN TETFUND

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By Tunde Olusunle

 

One very well reasoned appointment into a very critical government department in recent years, is bound to be the “conscription” of Sonny Togo Echono to the leadership of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund, (TETFUND). The last five years of his most eventful public service career were spent as Permanent Secretary in the Federal Ministry of Education. On a daily basis, he engaged with Vice Chancellors, Rectors and Provosts of Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, owned by the federal government. Added together, we are speaking here of well over 100 such institutions, with the federal government hosting this tripod of institutions, universities, polytechnics and colleges of education, in most of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT).

*General Musa, Chief of Defence Staff, (CDS), and Sonny Echono during the visit of the CDS to TETFUND.*

Echono’s office distilled the needs of these citadels of knowledge and activated the bureaucracy of the ministry to tend to their operational requirements.Following his retirement from service early 2022, Echono momentarily reclined into his couch to savour desired rest and rejuvenation after a racy and most eventful career. Before his last port of call in the Federal Ministry of Education, Echono’s career which began as an architect with the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing in 1987, had taken him through several key Ministries, Departments and Agencies, (MDAs), availing him multisectoral experiential rootedness across the public service. He had served variously in the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit, (BMPIU), and the ministries of Defence; Water Resources; Environment; Agriculture and Power. He had therefore planned to shuttle between his address in Nigeria’s capital city and his countryside abode in the Idoma heartland in Benue State, which he cherishes dearly.Duty, however, beckoned within weeks of his retirement. Echono, seasoned architect, experienced public servant, consummate patriot, was appointed Executive Secretary of TETFUND. He formally assumed office on March 18, 2022.

The scheme was established by the federal government in 2011, with the primary responsibility of disbursing, managing and monitoring the deployment of education tax remitted to government-owned tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Public tertiary institutions were hitherto poorly funded. This situation, expectedly, had very negative impact on knowledge dissemination, periodically engendering unrest in the institutions. TETFUND is supervised by the Federal Ministry of Education, Echono’s last official post. This naturally has ensured smooth and seamless collaboration between the parent ministry and its parastatal, since the onset of the Echono dispensation.Three years into his five-year stewardship, Echono continues to chalk up milestones for the organisation.

It was not going to be “business as usual” under his watch so he began with desirable “housekeeping” by addressing the work ethic in TETFUND. Previously perceived as a “cash cow,” entrenched interests had constituted themselves into a cabal which determined the award of contracts to predetermined interests. There were also murmurs and talks about stealing and underhand dealings which cast the organisation in bad light in the public sphere. Steeped and stewed in the ethos of due process and public procurement, Echono moved speedily to bring his imprimatur to bear on the workings of the organisation. He has since striven, gradually and unobtrusively, to straighten the administration of TETFUND and realign its operations with its core mandate.Such revolutionary novelties in an organisation previously steeped and stuck in its ways were not going to make new friends for Echono. Fifth columnists in the system and their external collaborators, periodically engineered phoney petitions to anti-graft agencies, notably the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission, (ICPC). They equally generated submissions to the nation’s parliament contending in one particular instance, that an accumulated allocation of over N2 Trillion to TETFUND over the years, could not be accounted for! The ever calm Echono has always responded to such claims and invitations to clarify the issues with impeccable documents and records.

These have serially deflated the schemes and mischief of faceless rabble rousers. Sonny Echono’s regime has brought a fresh air of activism into the endeavours of TETFUND. The federal government has also continued to reaffirm its faith in the establishment via regular upward reviews of its budgetary allocations. TETFUND continues to renew, or open fresh, possibilities for collaboration between it and a plethora of organisations. Callers at the Abuja headquarters of the organisation over time, have included the Senate and House Committees on Tertiary Institutions. Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State and his Cross River State counterpart, Bassey Otu, have also visited TETFUND seeking partnership. Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff, (CDS), General Christopher Gwabin Musa has also been a guest of Echono’s TETFUND. Musa exercises oversight over the Nigerian army, navy and airforce. Over the years, the military has continued to reinvent its training institutions many of which are degree awarding citadels today. Musa believes there are areas of potential cooperation between the military and TETFUND, and has begun a conversation around this. The Federal Road Safety Corps, (FRSC), recently followed the precedence of the military, when its Corps Marshal, Shehu Mohammed, led a team to TETFUND. The FRSC canvassed support for its training institutions to enhance the capacity and professionalism of road safety personnel across the country. Simultaneously, Echono is regularly on the road with his own officials, knocking on doors of MDAs whose partnership can strengthen the enterprise of TETFUND.

Ademola Adeleke, Governor of Osun State being received by Sonny Echono during his visit to TETFUND.

Among several others, he has in recent months, led delegations to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC), and the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, (NEITI). Echono is equally a much sought-after speaker these days at university convocation lectures and similar public engagements. These have availed him the platform to address burning issues in Nigeria’s all-important educational sector. Echono’s Convocation Lecture at the Federal University of Technology, (FUTO), Owerri, Imo State, last December, was titled *Impact of Leadership Selection on Governance in Public Universities in Nigeria.* At a similar event at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, (OOU), Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State last January, Echono spoke on *TETFUND and Educational Development in Nigeria: The History, the Treasures and the Future.* Echono addressed the subject *University Autonomy and the Challenge of Quality Tertiary Education in Nigeria,* at the Convocation ceremony of the Federal University Oye-Ekiti, Ekiti State, in February. He has deployed these speaking opportunities to address issues of inadequate funding in tertiary institutions, and to restate the imperative of the payment of tuition fees in public universities. This, he has regularly maintained is crucial to support that critical level of the educational hierarchy. Echono has canvassed synergy between institutions in the areas of research, innovation, alumni obligations and student exchange to broaden the worldview of young scholars. He has equally admonished on the inescapability of full autonomy in public universities, if educational standards must improve and be sustained. The acquisition of quality literacy never comes cheap, he has consistently maintained.

Elsewhere, Echono has decried the penchant of many Nigerians who were sponsored abroad on public resources, but refusing to return home to contribute to national development. Many such nationals opt to stay back in foreign lands, against the spirit of their scholarships. Echono regards this as a dimension of the pervading *japa* syndrome, the abscondment abroad of Nigerians fleeing excruciating socioeconomic conditions at home. Last November, TETFUND under Echono stopped government funding for intending foreign students. This should mitigate the double-sided loss of the country’s fiscal and human resources, respectively. At an August 2024 *Conference on Digital Pedagogy and Fundable Research Writing,* Echono criticised the arbitrary upgrading of Colleges of Education into Universities of Education, by governments at various levels. His contention is that the country remains in short supply of teachers and instructors at the foundational level of education. Sonny Echono has also criticised the continuing politicisation and corruption inherent in the appointment of Vice Chancellors in Nigerian universities. In one of his public presentations, he abhorred political interference and financial inducement in leadership selection processes in our universities.

These factors he observed are combining to erode the sanctity of the hallowed university system. Echono expressed worry about the fact that competition for appointment into principal offices in universities has become a lucrative venture which has made members of governing councils prone to fiscal inducement. Echono has received several awards through the years including that of the national honour of *Officer of the Order of the Niger, (OON).* He has demonstrably distinguished himself beyond the the half line of his present assignment. He can be trusted and should be continually supported to consolidate on his legacies in the years to come.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja*

 

Abia Government Cracks Down on Building Developers

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The Abia state government has issued a stern warning to building developers, stating that it will no longer approve the construction of three-storey buildings without elevators. This move aims to ensure that buildings in the state are safe, habitable, and meet standard practices.According to Architect Uche Ukeje, General Manager of the Greater Aba Development Authority (GADA), the strict implementation of building control measures will eliminate building collapse, protect lives and properties, and promote environmental friendly buildings.

The government has emphasized that all storey buildings with three floors must be fitted with elevators. Developers must also obtain necessary approvals before commencing construction and ensure stage-by-stage monitoring and supervision of building projects.New Building Regulations:- _Elevator Requirement_: All three-storey buildings must have elevators.- _Drainage and Waste Disposal_: Developers must submit plans for drainage and waste disposal, which must be approved before construction begins.- _Environmental Protection_: GADA is working with environmental health officials to arrest and prosecute individuals who destroy the environment.

The Abia government has digitalized its operations, allowing developers to track the status of their projects online. Failure to comply with these regulations may result in arrest, prosecution, and project shutdown.¹

Opinion: All-inclusive Policing, Internal Security, And National Development; IGP Egbetokun’s Perspective

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By Olumuyiwa Adejobi

In a world where security threats are constantly evolving and societal complexities continue to rise, the demand for innovative and inclusive policing strategies has never been more urgent. National security challenges, social disruptions, and other multi-facetted hindrances in Nigeria require solutions that are both proactive and transformative.

In the field of political science, peace and security studies, and humanitarian studies, scholars have alluded to the nexus between these key concepts and national development in all areas, particularly economic growth. In the words of Ban Ki-Moon, former Secretary General of the UN, “Security and Development are two sides of the same coin. Economic stability fosters peace, and National Security creates the environment for economic prosperity.”
John F. kennedy also posited that “Economic strength and National security are inextricably linked; one cannot thrive without the other.”

Recognizing this need, the Nigeria Police Force, the lead security agency constitutionally saddled with the responsibility of maintaining the internal security of the country, is championing an all-inclusive policing approach that prioritizes full community engagement, inter-agency collaboration, and advanced technology utilization, to promote sectoral equilibrium in effective policing. This aligns seamlessly with the leadership vision of the Inspector-General of Police Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, Ph.D., NPM, who is committed to building a professional, service-driven, rule-of-law-compliant, and people-friendly police force in Nigeria. IGP Egbetokun doesn’t not limit his vision for all-inclusive policing to Nigeria alone. He has also extended same vision to the west African sub-region and African continent in his capacity as the Chairman of the West African Police Chiefs Committee (WAPCCO). His aim is to ensure that policing not only reinforces internal security but also contributes to national economic recovery, social cohesion, and political stability in line with the renewed hope agenda of the present administration in Nigeria.

Under IGP Egbetokun’s strategic leadership, the Nigeria Police Force has embarked on several bold policy initiatives aimed at strengthening internal security and accelerating national development. It is crystal clear that Nigeria Police efforts in managing herders/famers crises, communal disputes, settling labour disputes across all strata, and promoting social norms and values in Nigeria are far reaching and paying off, in the security architecture and economic growth in Nigeria.

In addition, the individual and institutional capability building strategies of the police force have occasioned a paradigm shift towards enhanced policing via training and retraining of officers in areas of professional conduct and science-driven policing.

One wonders how the IGP has continually snowballed his ideas in this regard to hosting conference and retreat for strategic managers and leadership of the Force, and refresher courses for other senior officers and rank and files, respectively to improve their effectiveness and efficiency in all areas of Policing. These efforts built upon the mindset of the IGP to host the 4th Annual Conference and Retreat for Senior Police Officers which held in Imo State in October 2023 with the theme; Fostering economic prosperity, social integration, and political development through enhanced internal security mechanisms. Continuing this trajectory, the IGP recently hosted the 5th Annual Conference and Retreat for senior Police Officer, held from February 24th to 26th, 2025, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, with the theme; Improving Nigeria’s Internal Security and Economic Prosperity through Inclusive Policing

This landmark event, CARSPO 2025, brought together over 170 high-ranking security professionals, including senior Police Officers from the rank of Commissioner of Police and above, representatives from sister security agencies and distinguished international guests, such as CG Felix Namuhoranye of the Rwanda National Police and IGP Douglas Kanja Kirocho of the Kenyan Police. Over the course of three days, participants engaged in intensive deliberations on pressing issues in modern policing, intelligence sharing, and capacity building for law enforcement agencies. The conference culminated in a series of actionable resolutions designed to enhance the effectiveness and professionalism of the Nigeria Police Force. Some of the key takeaways include strengthening international collaboration with our counterparts from other African countries to combat cross-border crimes; implementing a comprehensive mental health policy backed by research to support officers facing psychological challenges; revamping the Counseling Unit with qualified professionals to address mental health concerns within the force; expanding inclusive recruitment and training programs to ensure a more diverse and well-equipped police force; introducing flexible policy reforms that adapt to emerging security challenges; establishing anti-crime clubs in schools to foster early crime prevention and youth engagement; encouraging officers to embrace risk management strategies that promote safety and resilience in policing; and enhancing specialization and professional development through continuous training tailored to modern security demands.

At the conclusion of the conference, IGP Egbetokun presented certificates of attendance to all participants, including guest speaker CG Felix Namuhoranye of the Rwanda National Police, in recognition of their contributions to the success of the event. IGP Adeolu Egbetokun Ph.D.,NPM reaffirmed the Nigeria Police Force’s firm commitment to leveraging inclusive policing, cutting-edge technology, and international partnerships to improve Nigeria’s internal security and economic well-being. The resolutions adopted at the conference will serve as a roadmap for strengthening law enforcement, fostering public trust, and creating a safer Nigeria.

As the Nigeria Police Force continues to refine and implement forward-thinking policing strategies, Nigeria can look ahead to a future where security is not just a government responsibility but a collective effort that bridges the gap between law enforcement and the communities they serve. Through innovative policies, strategic collaborations, and a commitment to professionalism, the Nigeria Police Force is poised to reshape the country’s security landscape and drive sustainable national development.

The regime of IGP Egbetokun marks the first to have foreign IGPs and security diplomats across the world attend and participate fully in the conference and retreat and engagements of the Nigeria Police Force.His determination in bringing global collaboration, integration, and togetherness in fostering improved security in Nigeria and the African continent as a whole can never be overemphasized. The saying, “putting the right peg in the right hole” is ascertained by the appointment of IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, a scholar, philosopher, perfectionist and holder of a Ph.D in Peace and Security Studies, a great blessing to policing structure and national values in Nigeria.

Prince Muyiwa Adejobi, a Public Relations and law enforcement experts, Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Nigeria
Princemoye@gmail.com
5th March, 2025.

IBB: A CRITIQUE OF ‘A JOURNEY IN SERVICE’

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Abdulrasheed Ibrahim

As a writer and a student of history, I do not like seeing anyone in whatever form trying to take people for a ride. It is not in my character to look the other way. Some of us were not babies when IBB ruled this country as an unelected President. When General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (IBB) gave the hint that he was coming up with his autobiography , I told some colleagues that the IBB’s book would surely generate a lot of controversies particularly among many Nigerians that were of age when he ruled as a military leader. Speaking from experience as the author of the book titled “MY COMMAND”, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ), a former Head of State and later an elected President, during the public presentation of the IBB’s “JOURNEY IN SERVICE” told him what to expect from the people.

So far,IBB’s book seems to have received more condemnations than commendations. The families and friends of those indicted or mentioned by IBB in his book like that of Abacha, Abiola and Vatsa have not kept mute on Babangida’s story.Mr. Richard Akinola, a friend of Mr. Dele Giwa , a journalist that fell victim of IBB regime has done a rebuttal to IBB’s position on the death of the renowned journalist who co-founded the now rested Newswatch Magazine.

One must admit from inception that this space may not be sufficient to do a comprehensive critique of IBB’s autobiography, this is just a short attempt to x-ray some of the points raised by the IBB in his autobiography that one finds it difficult to agree with. There is no doubt that IBB took active part in the military coup that saw to the demise of Second Republic presided over by the late Alhaji Shehu Shagari and brought in Muhammadu Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon as the Head of State and the Chief of General Staff Supreme Headquarters respectively while Ibrahim Babangida occupied the position of the Chief of Army Staff. The situation in the country at the time Shagari regime was sent packing was not pleasant as the politicians at that time had turned the country upside down as the level of indiscipline and corruption had become very unbearable. This actually paved the way for the success of the military coup without any resistance or protest from the Nigerian people.

The period of 20 months that followed under what has come to be known in history as Buhari/Idiagbon regime was under the slogan of War Against Indiscipline (WAI) which was a rescue mission said to be the brain child of Tunde Idiagbon, a great soldier that had no business with laughing but which IBB later gave in abundance when he took over power in a palace coup when Idiagbon, the most active Second-in-Command was far away in the Saudi Arabia. According to IBB on page 118 of his book:

“My predecessor in office, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, had separated themselves from the mainstream of the armed forces by personalising what was initially a collective leadership. They both posited a ‘holier than thou’ attitude, antagonising the civil populace against the military. Fundamental rights and freedoms were being routinely infringed upon and abused. As military administration, we were now presiding over a society that was primarily frightened of us. We were supposed to improve their lives and imbue the people with hope for a better future. Instead, we ruled the nation with a series of draconian decrees. An administration intended to reflect the collective will of the armed forces as a national institution came to be seen as the private personal autocracy of a stubborn few.”

With what decrees did IBB rule? His above assertion that prompted the overthrow of his predecessor has actual confirmed the long held view by some of us that Buhari and Idiagbon probably unknown to both of them were only used by IBB to test the ground for the acceptance of military rule in the country at that time .The Nigerians that lived through and witnessed Buhari/Idiagbon’s regime of 20 months and IBB’s regime of 8 years are till day in better position to spot the difference between the two regimes. The IBB coup was a clear manifestation of that slogan “hidden agenda” invented during the IBB regime.

Did IBB immune himself or did he do anything different from what he accused his predecessor in office of? With the collapse of the Buhari/Idiagbon regime within 20 months courtesy of IBB, in what way was his 8 years reign better than that of his predecessor he overthrew? Most Nigerians were later to realize that Buhari/Idiagbon regime meant well for the country as far as the concept of patriotism was concerned .It was that thought and the happenings during that Buhari/Idiagbon’s 20 months period in power as military leaders that actually and greatly assisted Buhari in getting the mandate of Nigerians as a civilian President during the 2015 elections but one thing that later became apparent to the Nigerians was that whatever success recorded by Buhari as a military Head of State particularly in the war against indiscipline and corruption was attributable to the late Tunde Idiagbon who was then his Second-in-Command.

It was a notorious fact that IBB during his reign embarked on a very prolong transition program to the civil rule during which the hand over date earlier promised was postponed as it was done by Gowon when he was in power ,a mistake IBB said he would avoid. He eventually decreed two parties i.e National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) into existence under which elections were gradually conducted into the Local Government level with the emergence of the Councillors and the Chairmen followed by that at the State level with the emergence Governors and members of the State Houses of Assemblies and then that of the National Assembly members under what was tagged “Option A4”.

Thereafter came the Presidential election fixed for June 12, 1993 that was freely and peacefully conducted throughout country and won by Chief M.K.O Abiola of the SDP. That election considered to be the most free and fair in the history of the Nigeria was unfortunately annulled by IBB. On the page 275 of his book, he said:

“…But the annulment was only a component of a series of other options. But to suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming .I remember saying: ‘These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!’ I would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections. There and then , I knew I was caught between ‘the devil and the deep blue sea’! From then on , the June 12 elections took on a painful twist for which , as I will show later , I regrettably take responsibility.”

Who should take responsibility in the first place?Was IBB truly a daring General committed to his promise to return the country to the civil rule? What the above assertion had gone to prove was that IBB for eight years was leading a set of military officers that were not completely interested in the transition of power to the civil rule unlike those led by OBJ, that IBB considered to be very hasty in 1979. IBB when in power said to have spent about 50 Billion Naira then on the transition program that was not really meant to be or pursued with all sense of seriousness and patriotism. If I am wrong in this my view, I will appreciate your rebuttal. On page 278 of the book, IBB went further:

“Without question, one of my biggest headaches at this time was Sani Abacha. I knew that Abacha was ambivalent about a return to civil rule .But I thought, in retrospect now, naively, that he would support our transition to civil rule programme. As I said earlier, Abacha and I had come a long way. We were good friends, and he had indeed been nice to me. As I have said elsewhere, he saved my life once and also risked his life to ensure that I took over in 1985. I could never forget those details .But it’s also correct that he was a complex character. He was capable of bottling up a lot inside without giving a hint of where he was. And then suddenly, the bottle bursts, and we begin to see a different person. I obviously didn’t know everything about him! For instance, I was alarmed to discover that he and a handful of others mobilised negative opinions against me within the military, portraying me as the problem. That campaign was geared towards a violent military coup to remove me as President forcefully.”

IBB admitted on page 278 of his book that a “General could not lead an army in disarray”, but I submit that a General that worths his salt knows how better to put his disarray army to order. I was not convinced that IBB was a daring General from his above assertion about Sani Abacha.IBB was not capable of checkmating Abacha. During the transition programme some decrees were rolled out to criminalise or deal with any attempt to obstruct or undermine the transition to the civil rule programme.There were many glaring instances that the decrees were violated but IBB deliberately refused to act probably for his own personal interest as it later became apparent that IBB was forced to step aside reluctantly when he had seen the hand writing on the wall that his comrades had portrayed him as the problem by his own confession.

As to Abacha being his good friend, IBB admitted that Abacha had been very nice to him and saved his life,but IBB’s refusal to act against Abacha and leaving him behind after stepping aside was deliberate as having known Abacha for what he was,why making Abacha to be part of the unnecessary Interim National Government (ING) when the true winner of the June 12 ,1993 elections, Chief M.KO. Abiola was on the ground? I want assert and very strongly that IBB’s decision to leave Abacha behind was a conspiracy between them against the Nigerian people.

At a stage IBB revealed in his book that he attempted making Abiola , the head of the Interim Government but Abiola declined. How and why did IBB expect Abiola to accept the headship of the Interim Government having got the mandate of the Nigerians as an elected President? What eventually happened to Chief Shonekan that accepted the headship of the Interim Government?

Despite IBB’s claim during his reign that his military regime would be the last one, he left his good friend, Abacha behind as part of the ING to eventually have his turn as another Military Head of State, having already made Abacha , a co-Army General during his (IBB) regime. Many of us as historians and political observers at that time knew that Abacha would strike and that truly came to past and the rest was history.Leaving Abacha behind in the Shonekan’s ING was like leaving a cock among the cockroaches. A very reasonable person should know that cockroaches no matter how many they are cannot survive the battle against the cock.

It was the revelation of IBB on page 270 of his book that his friendship with Chief M.K.O. Abiola was dated back to 1974 when he was sent then by Brigadier Muritala Muhammed, as the Minister of Communications to Abiola “to evaluate the British Recal radio systems that Abiola wanted to sell to the military”. It is on record that before Abiola began his campaign and took part in the June 12, 1993 elections ,he met IBB to get his assurance whether he was really committed to returning the country to the civil rule and IBB’s response was said to be in the affirmative. Abiola took part in the race and won but unfortunately died in the process of trying to actualise the mandate given to him by the majority of Nigerians.IBB has now confirmed in his book that Abiola won the 1993 Presidential election. But that his same friend of close to two decades denied him that victory .

The winner of the 1993 Presidential election died in the hands of those who were not truly patriotic or committed to the true spirit of democracy. Can IBB till day exonerate himself from the death of Abiola? Was IBB’s annulment not a disservice to the nation? Was the way Abiola died the best way to die in the hands of those that claimed to be his friends? If that Presidential election had not been annulled ,would the country have had found itself in the situation that followed the annulment? On June 26, 1993, IBB in his address to the nation said :

“I address you today with deep sense of world history and particularly of the history of our great country. In the aftermath of the recently annulled Presidential election, I feel, as I believe you yourself feel , a profound sense of disappointment at the outcome of our efforts at laying the foundation of a viable democratic system of government in Nigeria. I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the National Defence and Security Council and indeed of my entire administration, to feel with my fellow countrymen and women for the cancellation of the election. It was a rather disappointing experience in the course of carrying through the last election of the transition to the civil rule programme…Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed power and leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple with the critical and monumental problems and challenges of National existence and social progress, this administration inaugurated and pursued sound and justifiable policies and programmes of reform…”

Did IBB succeed in laying the foundation for a viable democratic system ? Did he actually learn any lesson from history or from the mistakes of Gowon and Obasanjo regimes he made reference to on page 252 of his book for that period of about eight years that he supervised the transition to the civil rule? Did he fulfill the promise he made to the Nigerian people? According to him :

“As I stated in the previous chapter , on our first day in office in 1985, we decided that an agreed upon date for the handover to a democratically elected government would be our top priority .General Gowon’s perceived error of judgment when he changed an agreed-upon handover date to civil rule in 1975 was etched in our memory . We were determined to learn from the mistakes of the past. However , we were also determined to learn from the mistakes of 1979, when many of us believed that the Obasanjo administration abruptly handed power over to a civilian. In our determination to ensure that we got things right , we were convinced as a new administration that we needed to restructured the political terrain in its entirety before handing it over to a politically elected civilian government.”

If by IBB’s assertion above , OBJ was in haste and abruptly hand over in 1979 to keep the promise made by Murtala Muhammed, the people’s General in 1975 when he came to power after the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon, then IBB must be asked whether that eight years was not long enough for him to do the right ? How many years must it take a truly patriotic leader to run a successful transition programme to the civil rule? Whenever IBB in his book says : “Our first day in office”; “We were determined” ; “We were convinced” ; “Our and Our” as well as “Abacha was ambivalent about a return to civil rule .But I thought, in retrospect now, naively, that he would support our transition to civil rule programme”, then one begins to wonder and ask : Were IBB and Abacha not in the same ship of navigating the country toward the return to the civil rule for that period of 8 years?

IBB and Abacha’s about 13 years in power was another dark period in the history of this country. One does not need to be a historian or a student of history to agree with this fact. Their regimes were even worse than that of Shagari on the one side and that of the Buhari/Idiagbon) they overthrew on the other side. It was the dislike and hatred of IBB and Abacha for the War Against Indiscipline (WAI) introduced by Tunde Idiagbon that prompted their coup against the Buhari/Idiagbon regime as according to IBB : “They (Buhari/Idiagbon) both posited a ‘holier than thou’ attitude” . Has history not proved or established the fact that Buhari and Idiagbon for that period of 20 months as military leaders were truly holier than IBB and Abacha? They deliberately awaited the exit of Idiagbon, (the power house of his government) from the country before they could carry out their palace coup. If Buhari and Idiagbon actually had skeleton in their cupboards as portrayed by IBB in his book, why did he refuse to expose them by probing them? Idiagbon despite the fact that his government was overthrow, he proved to be a brave and daring soldier by returning to the country immediately after the coup.Buhari may be a honest leader but he is very weak which was the reason why he was easily overthrown and captured despite the fact that he got the intelligence report that IBB was planning a coup against him. He further demonstrated the same weakness when he was elected as a civilian President and ruled for eight years.

With the forced exit of IBB from power and the installation of the Interim National Government (ING) headed by Chief Earnest Shonekan and which Abacha was part of, as expected Abacha turned round to overthrow the ING and dismantled all the political structures built by IBB for eight years to start his own child of necessity for almost about five years directed towards Abacha’s self-succession before the angel of death came in 1998. If Abacha had succeeded in his self-succession bid, probably the country would have witnessed another form of sit-tight dictatorship common with some African countries like Egypt and Uganda, but man proposes God disposes. With the death of Abacha , General Abubakar Abdulsalami came in and within a very short period of time, he did what IBB and Abacha refused to do for almost about 13 years by returning the country to the democratically elected government on May 29, 1999 with the return of OBJ to power.

The annulment of the June 12 Presidential election was indeed IBB’s greatest disservice to this country as far as democratic system of government was concerned and that has been major the root cause of most of the problems being faced by the country today. Nigerians spoke on June 12 ,1993 but IBB thought otherwise and disrespected the verdict of the Nigerian people claiming that his colleagues in the government he presided over were planning to kill him. A military General who because of his fear of death refused to act appropriately by standing up and insisting on what was right for his country. IBB’s autobiography is nothing but another attempt to take unsuspecting Nigerians for a ride. It is a good thing that IBB has told his own story in his own words. Since Abacha is dead, it will be very interesting to hear from the likes of Major El-Mustaph who was a very close aide to Abacha when he was alive and in government. Just like the way OBJ’s “My Command” and “My Watch” forced and turned some people to accidental writers of their memoirs, one hopes some of those indicted by IBB that are still alive will also speak out or pick up their pens to correct the narrative where it was inappropriate for the sake of prosperity. Will former President Muhammadu Buhari also speak out or write about the “Buhari/Idiagbon’s ‘holier than thou’ attitude and stubbornness” as alleged by IBB? This is a big question that will be answered by the passage of time but for now I rest my case!

NOTE: Anyone is at liberty to disagree with my above submissions as I will surely appreciate a balanced, fair and objective rebuttal.

08055476823, 08164683735

abdurasheedibrahim362@gmail.com

6th March 2025

We Were Not Sacked Over Corruption, Falsification Of Age — Retired Police Chiefs

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By Ebinum Samuel

No fewer than 15 police officers recently retired by the Police Service Commission, PSC, over “date of appointment” have debunked some misleading media reports alleging that they were sacked over corruption and falsification of age.
Rising from a meeting held at the nation’s capital, Abuja, some of the affected police officers retired compulsorily last month by PSC said the issue the authority claimed to have retired them for is strictly on their date of appointment.


One of the aggrieved retirees who pleaded anonymity, said: “The truth about our case ( Courses 18,19 and 20) is all about when we ought to be due for retirement from the Force as Force Entrants. It has nothing to do with corruption or falsification of age!”
Speaking further, he disclosed that their grievances are all about Policy somersault by the same PSC that in 2017 ordered the Inspector-General of Police, IGP, to implement an Appeal Court ruling on the case of date of appointment.


“To our dismay, some reporters, in their unverified reports have tarnished our image by alleging that we were sacked over corruption,” said the retiree.
Speaking in a similar vein, a retired Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP), who also pleaded anonymity, enjoined reporters to cross-check facts before rushing to publish their stories.
According to him, such unverified reports have done a lot of damage to several families.
He stressed: “The issue we had with PSC has been clarified by the Appeal Court in 2017. We believe that PSC is not the Supreme Court of Nigeria.”

Nigeria’s Political Legacy: A Reflection on Leadership, Betrayal, and Accountability

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By Halima Abdulazeez

Nigeria has been gripped by a series of revelations and events in recent times,  that have brought her political history and leadership under intense scrutiny. One such phenomenon making headlines is the publication and launching of an autobiography that seeks to exonerate Nigeria’s former head of state, General Ibrahim Babangida Badamasi, from the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election—a watershed moment in Nigeria’s democratic journey. This autobiography, coupled with the chilling revelations surrounding the late General Sanni Abacha, has reignited debates about accountability, betrayal, and the moral bankruptcy of Nigeria’s political elite.

The June 12 election, widely regarded as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history, was won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a businessman and philanthropist. However, the election was annulled by the Babangida regime, plunging the nation into political turmoil. For decades, the question of who was truly responsible for this annulment has lingered. In a twist of fate, General Babangida’s autobiography attempts to shift the blame onto his late colleague and ally, General Sanni Abacha, who succeeded him as head of state. According to Babangida, it was Abacha who orchestrated the cancellation of the election. This revelation has sparked outrage and disbelief, as many Nigerians view it as an attempt to rewrite history and absolve oneself of guilt.

The irony is palpable. General Abacha, who passed away in 1998, is no longer here to defend himself. Babangida’s attempt to “wash his hands” of any wrongdoing and cast the blame on a dead man has been met with skepticism and condemnation. It raises the question: can the dead truly bear the sins of the living? As Nigerians grapple with this revelation, one cannot help but wonder what the angels must be thinking as they witness this final duel between the victim, Abiola, and the alleged perpetrator, Abacha. The annulment of June 12 remains a dark chapter in Nigeria’s history, and the quest for justice and closure continues.

It is important to beam the light on the speech of General Mamman Vasta, a celebrated poet, astute writer, and close confidant of General Babangida. His speech is adding another layer of complexity to the current narrative. Vasta, who was executed during the Babangida regime, delivered a chilling final speech that continues to haunt the collective consciousness of Nigerians. His words were not just a plea for mercy but a profound reflection on the nature of power, betrayal, and the human condition.

In his speech, Vasta said: “However, I shall remain my witness before your judgment, and the testimony before its justice. Before you pass your sentence on me, I’ll request you to see all sides of everything before you decide. And while you do, I will like you to keep the lessons in view still yet. I believe the sentence shall not be my final hour. I have God’s promise on that. May I appeal to you to also take note that I am a married man with a family. I have other dependents that I have the obligation of looking after. I will hate to think that by the time you finish with me, my children shall be so scared of the system that they shall never come near it, for a lean liberty is better than fat slavery.”

These words, dripping with both defiance and vulnerability, offer a glimpse into the mindset of a man facing his mortality. Was it bravery that fueled his speech, or was it fear? Perhaps it was a combination of both—a marriage of convenience between courage and despair. His plea for his family and his warning about the systemic rot in Nigeria’s political landscape remain eerily relevant today. His execution underscores the treacherous nature of political power in Nigeria. A reminder that in the quest for power, loyalty is often sacrificed at the altar of self-preservation.

Years after his death, Vasta’s words continue to resonate with Nigerians who are disillusioned with their leaders. His execution, seen by many as a betrayal of the highest order, serves as a metaphor for the broader betrayal of the Nigerian people by their political elite. Today, as General Babangida attempts to rewrite history and absolve himself of guilt, one cannot help but wonder what Vasta would say if he were alive. Perhaps he would be sitting among the angels, watching in dismay as Nigeria’s leaders continue to enmesh the nation in chaos and corruption.

The tragedy of Nigeria’s political leadership is not confined to the past; it is very much a present reality. The National Assembly, which ought to be a bastion of democracy and accountability, has become a theater of absurdity. Recent allegations against the Senate President, who is accused of using his position to harass women, have further eroded public trust in the institution. Of the 109 senators, only four are women, highlighting the glaring gender disparity in Nigerian politics. Among these women is Senator Natasha Akpoti Uduaghan, representing Kogi Central, who has alleged frequent victimization and harassment in the Senate. Her ordeal has been likened to that of a student who refuses the advances of her lecturer, an analogy that underscores the abuse of power and the vulnerability of women in Nigerian politics.

This is not the first time the Senate President has been accused of such misconduct. The recurrence of these allegations raises serious questions about the moral integrity of Nigeria’s political leaders. If those entrusted with the responsibility of governing the nation cannot uphold basic ethical standards, what hope is there for the average Nigerian? The fear is that by the time these leaders are done ruining the country, the younger generation will be so disillusioned and afraid that they will steer clear of politics altogether. Already, there is a growing sense of apathy and despair among Nigerians, with many opting to migrate in search of greener pastures where they are presented with equal opportunities and a chance at a better life.

The exodus of young Nigerians to other countries is a damning indictment of the failure of leadership in Nigeria. The political and elite class must take urgent steps to address the systemic issues plaguing the nation. Corruption, nepotism, and a lack of accountability have become entrenched in the fabric of Nigerian society, and the consequences are dire. The world is watching as Nigeria, a nation with immense potential, teeters on the brink. It is time for the leaders to put their heads together and rescue the nation from complete ruin.

In conclusion, the revelations surrounding General Babangida’s autobiography, the chilling speech of General Vasta, and the ongoing scandals in the National Assembly are a microcosm of the broader challenges facing Nigeria. They underscore the need for ethical leadership.

The annulment of the June 12 election, the betrayal of allies, and the harassment of women in politics are all symptoms of a deeper malaise—a failure of leadership and a betrayal of the people’s trust. As Nigerians, we must demand better from our leaders and hold them accountable for their actions.

Nigeria’s political and elite classes have a moral obligation to craft a new narrative – one defined by hope, opportunity, and justice. The world is watching, and the future of Nigeria’s children hinges on their ability to learn from past mistakes and build a brighter tomorrow. The time for decisive action is now.

©Halima Abdulazeez

Halima Abdulazeez is a poet and a writer of the poetry collection “Soul Rants” A Journey from Within. She is the treasurer, of PEN International, Nigerian Center, and resides in Lagos, Nigeria. +234-8034816865 umuhfaisal@gmail.com

 

UPDATED: Olubadan alive, not dead, says Oyo govt

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The Oyo State Government has denied media reports suggesting that the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Owolabi Olakulehin, is dead.

Some media reports on Monday night claimed that the revered monarch was dead at the age of 89.

However, in an interview with PUNCH Online correspondent on Monday night, the Oyo State Commissioner for Culture and Tourism, Wasiu Olatunbosun, refuted the rumours.

Olatunbosun stated that the Olubadan of Ibadan is alive, hale and hearty.

“Yes. Olubadan is alive, hale and hearty. I spoke with one of the sons who represented the family at the coronation committee, Prince Olaseke Owolabi Olakulehin,” he said.

Also, in a chat with our correspondent, the Chief Press Secretary to the Olubadan, Gbenga Ayoade, debunked the death rumours, saying that the monarch is hale and healthy.

“By the time I left the palace around 8 pm, there was nothing of such incident. Things were moving well. There was no crisis. And when I contacted the palace after I left, they told me Baba is hale and healthy.

“The Olubadan just finished eating amala. He is hale and healthy. It is just a rumour. There is nothing of such,” he said.

Ayoade further debunked the rumour that the traditional ruler had been flown out of the town for medical attention.

He added, “Baba is still in Ibadan. He was not flown anywhere. He is doing very fine ”

Oba Olakulehin, who received the staff of office from the State Governor, Seyi Makinde, on July 12 2024, will clock 90 years on July 5.

He succeeded the 42nd Olubadan, Oba Mahood Lekan Balogun, who died on March 14, 2024 at the age of 81.